Wealth of Congress Index

The backstory behind Issa’s fortune has become the stuff of congressional legend. After being charged — but never convicted — as a young man in two car theft cases, he invested $7,000 and loans from his family in a struggling Cleveland consumer electronics business in the early 1980s. Within a few years, he’d transformed his holdings into DEI, moved to California to take advantage of a surge in auto thefts and unveiled the enormously popular and profitable Viper car alarm. (He used his own sonorous baritone to record the system’s signature warnings: “Protected by Viper. Stand back,” and, “Please step away from the car.”)

Issa sold the business in 2000, the same year he invested $2 million of his money to win an open seat just north of San Diego.

That figure drooped on paper in the past year, to $254.65 million, but there’s a likelihood the congressional reporting rules have led to an overstatement of any financial setbacks.

The forms essentially double count his biggest liability, a mammoth personal loan, even though it appears he paid off more than $50 million he owed Merrill Lynch in September 2014 and borrowed an equivalent amount the same day from UBS. It appears he financed that switch by liquidating a handful of his two dozen investment accounts.

Still, he was left at the end of 2014 with positions in seven high-yield bond funds worth $25 million to $50 million, and three other investment accounts with a minimum value of more than $50 million — the highest disclosure category. Because that category has no upper limit, Issa could be worth far more than his disclosure suggests.

The congressman’s other main investment is in commercial real estate, including stakes in several management and holding companies and a pair of sleek office parks in his district each worth between $5 million and $25 million.

Issa has used his fortune to distinguish himself as one of the bigger self-funders in modern congressional politics. Before coming to the House, he spent $11 million on a failed bid for the GOP Senate nomination in California, and in 2003 he got the state’s gubernatorial recall off the ground by spending $1.7 million on the petition drive — hoping to end up on the ballot once Democrat Gray Davis was ousted. Several GOP House colleagues persuaded Issa to step aside for the eventual winner, Arnold Schwarzenegger, and to make his career in the House.

He is once again ranked as the second-wealthiest member of Congress without listing a single asset in his name, not even a bank account worth at least $1,000. The lengthy log of investments — there are more than 50 that start with the letter "A" — are all owned by either his wife, Linda McCaul, who is the daughter of Clear Channel Communications founder Lowry Mays, or their children.

More than three dozen of the McCaul family investments are listed at the largest minimum valuation available, more than $1 million. The McCaul family’s wealth is almost entirely invested in the stock market and in municipal bonds. The portfolio shows a wide-range of traditional stocks — AT&T, Wal-Mart, Disney, Berkshire Hathaway — as well as investments in a number of government bonds, with a special emphasis on investment projects in Texas, and hedge funds.

Even with all the wealth, McCaul and his wife maintain a mortgage debt of between $500,001 and $1,000,000 on a personal residence in Austin, Texas. The joint liability with his wife is the only thing on his financial disclosure to which he is formally connected.

It’s impossible to tell how much money the McCauls have, thanks to the broad, maximum spousal asset category. But even if some assets are being dramatically undercounted, McCaul’s wealth is still staggering.

The self-made financier’s standing near the top of the roster of millionaire congressmen was maintained, even though his minimum net worth declined by about 20 percent during 2014, to $91.68 million.

The reason was the acquisition of CapitalSource — which Delaney founded in 1999 to make loans to small and midsize businesses that couldn't get credit at good rates from bigger banks — by the holding company PacWest Bancorp. Although Delaney removed himself from the bank’s day-to-day leadership after starting to campaign for the seat he won in 2012 in the Maryland suburbs northwest of Washington, D.C., completion of the deal a year ago prompted the floor on the value of his assets to drop by $20 million.

Delaney stands out on the Hill as one of the few members who have run a publicly-traded company, and he’s held that title twice. He created CapitalSource with more than half a billion dollars from the sale of HealthCare Financial Partners, which he’d started as a young lawyer just six years earlier as a specialized lender to smaller health care businesses. When it went public, Delaney was the youngest CEO ever of a company traded on the New York Stock Exchange.

A member of the Financial Services Committee, Delaney has a stake of $5 million to $25 million in another suburban Maryland financial services firm he helped start: Alliance Partners, which specializes in helping small banks pool resources to invest in big projects. He also has investments of comparable significance in Congressional Bancshares Inc. of Bethesda, Md.; a hedge fund in San Francisco; an equity fund in New York; a money market account at Goldman Sachs and rental property in Rehoboth Beach, Del.

Delaney, who’s already sending signals he wants to run for governor in 2018, is invested in almost 40 different municipal bonds, about a third of them connected to Maryland.

The congressman’s only major liabilities, each valued at $1 million to $5 million, are a recently refinanced mortgage on his residence in Potomac, Md. (a few hundred yards outside his district) and investment capital he borrowed from a family trust in 1997.

Warner's $90.1 million minimum net worth for the latest report is a drop of nearly $5 million from a year ago.

Much of his money is now held in blind trusts, with a diverse portfolio of mutual fund holdings as well as individual stocks mainly held by his wife and children. There was no shortage of 2014 transactions for Warner's trusts, selling holdings valued at more than $1 million in more than a dozen accounts.

The Democrat made his millions in the telecommunications boom, including through Nextel, which eventually was acquired by Sprint Corp. His minimum net worth has fluctuated over the years, but always remained substantial, with no liabilities.

Warner is often viewed as one of the more business-friendly Democrats, coming to the Senate after a term as governor, and he won a narrower than expected re-election in 2014.

Polis’ assets have jumped significantly on paper thanks to surging stock prices for a few of the dozens of startups in which he’s invested. His holdings in the burgeoning car service Uber, for example, grew to more than $1 million at the end of 2014.

The congressman’s interest in business began as a child. He founded a scrap metal business, sold tomatoes and even spent a summer in Russia trading privatization vouchers. At Princeton, he founded American Information Systems, a Web-hosting company. He went on to start BlueMountain.com, the online version of his family’s greeting card operation, and after selling it for $780 million he started ProFlowers.com. He also opened a chain of movie theaters catering to Spanish-speaking audiences.

His investments since selling those businesses and winning an open House seat (with $5 million of his own money) reflect that entrepreneurial spirit. Beyond a blind trust valued at $25 million to $50 million, which he set up after he came to Congress, Polis has real estate holdings worth in Japanese retirement homes and in corporate stock and mutual funds. Those investments include holdings in the world’s first aquaculture venture capital firm, Aquacopia, to stakes in funds of the venture capital incubator Techstars.

On top of all that, he won more than $5,000 at a Las Vegas casino last year. He also shaved his minimum liabilities in half by paying down his line of credit at Merrill Lynch to between $1 million and $5 million.

Starting in the late 1980s, he transformed his parent’s small law office, Trott & Trott, into a vertically integrated real estate behemoth that now has 1,800 employees. The firm has become one of the biggest in the nation representing banks and other residential lenders with portfolios of bad mortgages — a so-called foreclosure mill that, at the height of the housing crisis in 2009, evicted almost 80,000 in Michigan alone.

Even while he was a first-time House candidate, Trott’s minimum net worth was growing. He took office representing a reliably Republican district encompassing outer Detroit suburbs by ousting freshman Rep. Kerry Bentivolio in the GOP primary and then withstood a barrage of criticism from Democrats, who during the fall campaign said Trott’s business could have done much more to help people remain in their homes.

The Trott empire extends beyond the lawyers who negotiate with delinquent borrowers on behalf of the big mortgage bankers along with government-sponsored secondary lenders Fannie Mae and Freddie Mac. The new congressman also owns or has heavily invested in Detroit Legal News, which publishes most of Michigan’s required legal notices before foreclosures; NDeX, a company that processes mortgage paperwork; Attorneys Title Agency, created by the congressman’s wife, Kathleen, to do the requisite deed searches before foreclosures; and a real estate agency that specializes in reselling the properties repossessed by his clients.

Trott has invested the profits from his business in a wide array of investment funds and brokerage accounts. One family holding company has a multifaceted stock portfolio valued at more than $25 million. Other securities are in trusts over which he has no control.

Although he’s been assigned to the Judiciary and Foreign Affairs panels, not Financial Services, Trott has nonetheless been active during his first year in office in pushing legislation friendly to the housing industry, including one measure the House passed in April that would change federal rules for high-cost mortgages to expand the availability of credit for mobile homes.

Money held in his own name or in joint accounts are in a mix of investment accounts and savings. But disclosure requirements for spousal assets require significantly less specificity, meaning the true net worth of the Blumenthal family is difficult to determine.

What is clear is that at least some of the increase in the family's net worth was thanks in part to the Malkin real estate holdings increasing in value. Their share in a parcel of vacant land in Stamford, Conn., is now valued in excess of $1 million, as is the share in an office building held by Broadway/72nd Associates in New York City.

Blumenthal's residence is in Greeenwich, Conn., an affluent suburb of New York City situated on the "gold coast." A longtime public official in Connecticut, having served as U.S. attorney and state attorney general, he collects an annual state pension totaling some $51,000 a year.

Some of Feinstein's husband Richard Blum's substantial wealth fluctuated in 2014, with one investment in the real estate developer CBRE falling below the $1 million or more threshold, which is the top category for spousal assets. That broad categorization appears throughout the California Democrat's financial disclosures, including another CBRE-related investment.

Blum appears to have reduced the value of his holdings in the for-profit education industry, though that's always a point of interest when the Senate debates issues like student loans.

Feinstein and Blum jointly own a condominium on the island of Kauai, Hawaii, that's valued at between $1 million and $5 million.

At the end of the year, Feinstein reported the sale of more than $5 million in stock of Kite Pharma, a company that develops cancer treatments. There's also a newly reported liability for more than $1 million, a joint mortgage through Bank of America on their personal residence.

The increase bumps Buchanan back into the top 10 for the first time since 2011 and is almost entirely thanks to a rise in valuation of the car dealership he owns in Sarasota. The dealership is now listed with a $25 million minimum value, up one category from the $5 million valuation in 2013.

His net worth would have increased more if not for an increase in liabilities. He took out a $5 million line of credit in 2014 for unspecified reasons.

Buchanan also listed a number of transactions in 2014, including the sale of a rental property in Sarasota worth at least $1 million and the partial sale of an aircraft holding and leasing company worth at least $1.25 million.

The five-term Republican's wealth is largely derived from two car dealerships Buchanan owns. It's aided by two airline and yacht leasing businesses he holds, as well as a series of rental properties in and around Florida. He's also listed as a partner or managing member of more than 30 companies and organizations.

At least half of that wealth — with a minimum value of $20 million — comes from real estate owned by Black and her spouse. This year, the couple picked up more properties in the Nashville area.

The rest of the third-term Republican’s wealth, at least $25 million, comes from a diverse portfolio of investments, which has grown significantly since last year. As did her disclosure report.

The couple again reported $11 million in mortgages — two of which they refinanced. According to her filing, Black has a letter on file with the House Ethics Committee disclosing that she is a member of Ebon Falcon LLC, and is a limited partner and manager of Empirical Capital Partners LP.

In her report, Black disclosed a trip with the International Conservation Caucus Foundation to Colombia and Peru. The group covered the cost of food and lodging for Black and her spouse, but how much they spent is not known.

Millions of the San Diego Democrat's assets are in municipal bonds across the Golden State, as well as in states such as Nebraska, Texas and Wisconsin. Peters also sold off a number of those bonds between 2013 and 2014, which led to some of the $5 million drop in his assets.

Peters also saw his liabilities go down, as a revolving line of credit from Citibank decreased from at least $50,000 to at least $15,000.

The two-term Democrat, who represents a swing district in Southern California, earned some of his millions as an environmental attorney. But a large portion of his wealth is thanks to his wife, Lynn Gorguze, who heads up the private equity firm Cameron Holdings. Her father established the firm, which focuses on manufacturing enterprises.

The increase was entirely thanks to gains in his minimum assets, as his liabilities remained stable at $5.5 million.

The biggest increase in Grayson's portfolio was a balance and cash account, which is now worth at least $25 million, up from a value of at least $5 million in 2013. Grayson told Roll Call he did not know why the asset increased, only saying that it could have been at the higher end of the range in 2013 and could have increased a small amount in 2014.

"I understand you follow your procedures, I follow the rules," Grayson said of the increase.

Also listed is the Grayson Fund Management Co., an asset management firm Grayson launched after losing re-election in 2010, which has earned him negative press since announcing he will run for Senate in 2016. Grayson's stake in the firm dropped dramatically in 2014 to a value of at least $1 million, down from at least $5 million in 2013.

Grayson sold off many of his stock holdings in 2014, but held on to $2.15 million in stock options in China Mobile.

"Generally speaking, the situation is similar to what it was last year, the same assets in general are reported, there were more transactions," Grayson said.

Renacci knows a thing or two about financial documentation: a certified public accountant, his financial disclosure report is 457 pages.

The Pennsylvania native began working as a CPA in Pittsburgh, where he first started consulting with the nursing home industry. He later moved to Wadsworth, Ohio, to start his own business and invest in nursing homes, later serving as mayor of the town.

One of the biggest gains in his portfolio over the past year was a $750,000 increase in the minimum value of his stake in LTC Management Service, a long-term care consulting company of which he is president. He also added a $1 million investment in an Eagle Class JPMorgan tax-free money market fund to his holdings.

Renacci owns significant real estate holdings in Ohio, as well as $1 million in property in Washington, D.C. He has at least a half-million dollars invested in Harley Davidson dealerships.

The third-term representative grew up in a working class family, and his original goal when he went to college was to be a police officer. He now holds an equity membership worth at least $15,000 in a golf club.

An avid sports fan, he’s long been vested in sports franchises. He currently holds at least a $250,000 stake in the Lancaster JetHawks, a minor league baseball team in California.

The couple purchased a home in Washington, D.C., for at least $1 million in August of 2015. They also own a home in Medina, Wash., worth at least $5 million. Despite bicoastal residencies worth millions of dollars, DelBene has no liabilities.

The sale or partial sale of several large index and stock funds contributed to DelBene's lower minimum net worth. The minimum value of a government money market fund jointly held by the couple, which has been valued at at least $5 million, declined.

Reed College brought DelBene to the West, and after graduating she landed at a biotech startup in Seattle. She later worked at Microsoft, where she met her husband, Kurt. Most of DelBene’s assets — stocks and bonds, as well as some university and municipal bonds — are jointly held with him. Kurt returned to Microsoft this spring after overseeing the government's health care enrollment website, healthcare.gov.

Pelosi and her husband, Paul, continue to enjoy the fruits of their California real estate investments. Their holdings include properties worth at least $14.65 million, including a St. Helena vineyard in Napa Valley worth at least $5 million, and commercial real estate in San Francisco.

Most of Pelosi’s reported earnings are connected to her husband, who invests heavily in stocks such as Apple, Comcast, Facebook, Shutterfly and Walt Disney. Paul Pelosi also holds at least a $10 million stake in the United Football League, a small, alternative to the National Football League that cut short its 2012 season and never returned.

The couple reported $13.46 million in liabilities. Pelosi and her husband are paying mortgages on seven properties, including the St. Helena vineyard, plus other properties in Napa and San Francisco, and a condominium near the harbor in the Georgetown neighborhood of Washington, D.C. After opening two new lines of home equity credit in 2014, the couple added at least $1 million to their liabilities.

In 2014, Paul Pelosi reported earning a salary from Financial Leasing Services and collecting management fees from other enterprises.

Adding a new 18-acre lot to his Chrysler Dodge Jeep Ram enterprise, Williams broke ground on a new building in April. With an estimated value of at least $25 million, the myriad automotive holdings of JRW Corporation and Affiliates is William’s largest asset. Revenue streams in from rent on his dealership properties, plus a small car-washing venture.

Williams is also invested in oil and gas, including offshore drilling. He and his wife, Patty, both sold their stakes in Twitter. In addition to stock dividends, Patty earned a paycheck from one of the family’s car dealerships and the home-design company P.K. Flowers Interior.

The couple owns a lake house outside Marble Falls, Texas, and a personal residence. Each home is valued at least $1 million. In 2012, they borrowed upward of $250,000 for a mortgage on a personal residence at the exclusive Horseshoe Bay Resort in the heart of the Texas Hill Country.

To decorate the swanky abodes, Williams and his wife have amassed at least $1 million of art and museum collectibles. Williams, who pursued a professional baseball career in the early 1970s, has treated himself to valuable sports memorabilia, in addition to political and military artifacts.

He sits on the board of directors for the National Football Foundation and College Football Hall of Fame, and the finance committee for the George W. Bush Presidential Center.

The freshman Republican from New Jersey caught flak during his congressional campaign when he bolstered his own coffers with a loan of at least $200,000, according to financial disclosures. MacArthur also faced attacks on his former firm, York Risk Services, where he earned his millions. (The firm was sued by disaster victims in Texas and California for mishandling their claims, but the suit was settled after he departed in 2010.)

Most of the congressman's assets are tied up in joint investments with his wife, Debbie. The largest pieces of the couple's portfolio include two $1 million-plus hedge funds, stakes of at least $250,000 of holdings in in Seagate Technology, the Port Authority of New York and New Jersey and a smattering of energy firms. MacArthur also invests in Hewlett-Packard, Intel, Johnson & Johnson and municipal holdings around the nation.

In 2008, MacArthur tucked away some of his wealth in separate irrevocable trusts for his two children. The money is invested in stocks ranging from CVS Health Corporation, Colgate and Pfizer to Starbucks, Apple and Microsoft. He also invests in an IRA.

MacArthur serves as vice president, treasurer, secretary and director of IGH Charitable Foundation, a private grant-making foundation in Randolph, N.J. In 2010, the couple took out a securities backed variable rate loan valued from $5 million to $25 million.

About a quarter of Frelinghuysen’s wealth comes from stock in Procter and Gamble, which he inherited though a family link to the company on his mother’s side. Frelinghuysen owns more than $6 million in stock in the cleaning, drug and personal care multinational company.

The New Jersey Republican chairs the influential defense appropriations subcommittee, and, as the second most senior member on Appropriations, he could take over as head of the full committee in 2017. Appropriations Chairman Hal Rogers, R-Ky., is term limited, and his term as chairman expires at the end of 2016.

In the meantime, with a focus on appropriations for the Defense Department, Frelinghuysen's financial disclosure also shows he has stake in several companies that do business with the Defense Department, including sizable holdings with some of the top defense contractors.

Frelinghuysen has a $1 million stake in IBM, which was awarded a $12 million contract through the Army General Fund Audit Support Services in July 2014. He also invests around $100,000 in Royal Dutch Shell and $100,000 in Exxon Mobil, both of which provide fuel for the DOD. The DOD awarded Shell Oil a more than $1.3 billion contract in December 2013 for aviation fuel, and Exxon received a nearly $380 million for aviation turbine and naval fuel in August 2014.

Aside from those investments, Frelinghuysen has more than half a million dollars in real estate investments. That includes $250,000 in nearly 18 acres of “unimproved land” in the Frelinghuysen Township in New Jersey. He also shares stake in land and a rental home in Stockbridge, Mass.

Frelinghuysen’s surname is well known around New Jersey, as well as at the Capitol. He became the sixth Frelinghuysen to serve in Congress when he took the oath of office in 1995, with legislative roots dating back to the Continental Congress. Frelinghuysen represents a safe Republican seat in the affluent 11th District, which is located in northern New Jersey.

The New York Republican has sizable investments in a number of biotech companies, which coincide with his seat on the Energy and Commerce Committee — a post awarded after he was elected to a second term in 2014.

Collins has investments in several western New York companies, includinf two where he was previously employed. Collins has at least $500,000 invested in Zepto Metrix Corp., a biotech organization, and at least $5 million invested in Volland Electric Corp. He's listed as chairman of Zepto Metrix Corp. and maintains positions in 13 other companies. His wife Mary also lists receiving a salary from both corporations, though she is not required to disclose her salary.

Collins openly maintains stake in the companies, even listing eight of the industries on his biography on his House website, describing them as “his current companies.” His private sector success, and his stint as Erie County executive during a financial crisis, helped him win the 27th District in 2012, which the Rothenberg Gonzalez Political Report/Roll Call rates as a safe Republican seat.

Risch became chairman of the Energy subcommittee on the Energy and Natural Resources Committee in the 114th Congress, with a focus on limiting federal regulations over power generators. Despite his congressional focus, the bulk of Risch’s wealth comes from his Idaho land.

He jointly owns more than 250 acres of land in Idaho’s Ada and Canyon counties, which is worth at least $16 million.

Before Risch became a prosecutor in Ada County, which launched his career in state and then federal government, he worked as a rancher and small business owner. He and his wife Vicki still reside on a ranch in Boise, Idaho, and they also have a condominium in the District of Columbia.

Risch acquired a second condo in D.C. in 2014, worth at least $500,000. The condo, along with an additional joint checking account worth at least $500,000, helped boost the value of his assets in 2014. The additional condo added to Risch’s list of liabilities though, along with another joint mortgage, with values of at least $250,000 each.

Risch won his second Senate term in 2014, though a prior Idaho state race still leaves its legacy on the Idaho Republican’s financial disclosure. Risch continues to list at least $250,000 in outstanding notes for his successful 2002 primary run for lieutenant governor.

Much of McCaskill’s fortune comes from real estate and investments owned by her husband, Joseph Shepard. Shepard owns eight companies worth more than $1 million, including some with tax credits in Missouri and Georgia, as well as TLG Aviation, a company that owns a private jet McCaskill and her husband occasionally use. Shepard also has more than $1 million invested in Berkshire Hathaway Class A stock, and has the same amount invested in Enterprise Financial Services Corporation and a S&P 500 mutual fund exchange.

In her own name, McCaskill has at least $137,000 in assets, including a $50,000 bank account. She also listed an ongoing agreement from May 2013 with Simon & Schuster, the publisher of her book, "Plenty Ladylike," which was released in August 2015.

The Massachusetts Democrat's portfolio is filled with a slew of amply stocked trust funds and individual investments totaling more than $19 million. His most generous commodities include a common trust fund worth at least $5 million, while his largest stake in any single enterprise appears to be the at least $750,000 he’s sunk into Exxon Mobil.

He and wife Lauren Anne Birchfield also managed to chip away some $40,000 of their debt. Her student loans remain (she’s in the hole some $50,000 to the federal government, Harvard and a Des Moines-based educational outfit), as does at least $750,000 in mortgage payments on their East Coast residences; the District digs continue to set the couple back at least half a million dollars.

Kennedy, the son of former Rep. Joseph P. Kennedy II and grandson of Robert F. Kennedy, won election to the House in 2012 after working as a county prosecutor.

The Tennessee Republican's minimum net worth dropped only slightly despite heading to Raymond James Bank with hat in hand to request a revolving line of credit (at a bargain basement 1.48 percent annual rate) granting him immediate access to more than $1 million. That tipped the scales against him in the final analysis — he had no debts last year — even though he spent at least double that amount in separate bids to add to his commercial real estate holdings.

Corker directed at least $1 million each toward Delaware-based NLL Holdings (where he also secured a membership role) and McGowin Park LLC; the latter is involved in developing a highly anticipated 600,000-sqaure foot shopping complex slowly taking shape in Mobile, Ala.

The second-term lawmaker has also taken to buying local; he’s entrusted at least $50,000 of his nest egg to Sweetgreen, the D.C.-born, fast casual eatery eyeing nationwide expansion.

The onetime president of Westbrand Inc. Bank Holding Co. — he keeps at least $1 million parked in a personal account at First Western Bank & Trust and owns at least $5 million in company stock — climbs up from No. 28 on the list last year after shoring up his net worth by an additional $2.38 million, placing him within striking distance of sitting on a cool $18 million.

Shedding the $1 million-plus personal loan from State Bank & Trust in Kenmare, N.D., he’d been shouldering since 2009 undoubtedly helped bolster his bottom line.

Hoeven benefited from the consolidation of Kinder Morgan Energy Partners under the umbrella of broader based Kinder Morgan Inc., a merger that produced an infusion of cash and an additional 1,600 shares in the burgeoning firm resulting in at least a $50,000 gain. He also scored upwards of $15,000 in stock in CDK Global following the successful spinoff of one of their automotive industry supporting ventures.

One of 10 former governors in the Senate, Hoeven was elected easily in 2010 and is unlikely to have a more difficult path to re-election next year.

The amount of his Pacur, LLC asset last year was counted by its minimum value in the range of $1,000,001 to $5 million. The specificity is what gave him the large jump on paper.

Johnson also has a 9.9 percent ownership stake worth between $250,001 and $500,000 in DP Lenticular Ltd., a 3D printing business based in Ireland.

Johnson's only notable loss was in his checking account, which decreased in range, from a minimum of $250,001 to $100,001. But the actual loss could have been as little as $1.

The 65-year-old freshman Republican from Georgia (and cousin to the Peach State's former governor Sonny Perdue) has served as the top executive at several companies, most recently as CEO of Dollar General and previously of Reebok. Those positions helped him rack up an impressive minimum net worth of $16.78 million and place him well within the top 50 in Congress.

Perdue keeps most of his money spread out in a number of stock investments, with most assets having a value of $15,000 to $50,000. (He does have at least $100,000 in staples such as Coca-Cola, John Deere, General Motors, and Procter and Gamble.)

Perdue also does list a $500,000 margin loan from Goldman Sachs, his only liability.

The son of schoolteachers, Perdue defeated a wide field of Republicans for the Senate nomination in 2014 and won the general election against another candidate with a well-known last name, Democrat Michelle Nunn.

Hanna made a healthy amount of his money with a construction company, which he built from the ground up, but he has also been an aggressive stock investor.

His portfolio features holdings of at least $500,000 in companies such as Colegate-Palmolive and Chevron, and at least $250,000 in Raytheon and Tupperware.

He lists a $250,000 investment in his congressional campaign, stemming from loans made several years ago. In his latest filing with the Federal Election Commission, on July 15, Richard Hanna for Congress Committee reported an outstanding debt to the congressman of $194,000.

Hanna also holds a significant amount of money in real estate investments, with properties totaling at least $3 million collectively. Held jointly with his wife, Hanna's only liability is a revolving line of credit to Chase Bank, to which he owes at least $10,000.

His name is synonymous with cars to most northern Virginians. The Virginia Democrat owns several auto dealerships, some of which are listed under business entity assets with quirky names, such as "Forbidden Fruit LLC" and "The Great Experiment."

His largest asset is a dealership worth at least $5 million, though he has others worth at least $1 million. Beyer also owns a substantial amount of real estate, with 11 assets in that category, six of which are individually worth at least $1 million each.

For as much money as Beyer has, he also owes a substantial amount. His financial disclosure lists four mortgages, owing at least $1.85 million on those properties. Beyer also lists three auto loans, as well as an American Express card with at least $50,000 in charges.

For the past two decades, she has been the controlling stockholder in Hensley & Co., which her father, Jim, started in Arizona in the 1950s. It has grown to become the largest beverage distributor in the burgeoning state, as well as the third-largest Anheuser-Busch distributor in the country.

After more than doubling two years ago, the senator’s minimum net worth plateaued, with a loss of some $700,000 primarily attributed to real estate transactions. The couple has been quite active in real estate, selling one property for at least $250,000 and investing at least $500,000 in another.

Beyond his Senate salary and $70,000 in book royalties, the only income McCain added to the 2014 ledger was a $72,000 pension from his quarter-century in the Navy.

Overall, McCain is in the middle of a financial rebound after seeing his millions shrink steadily since his 2008 bid for president. His net worth was at least $20 million just seven years ago, when he was the 13th wealthiest member of Congress.

Upton’s grandfather founded Whirlpool Corp., which is based in his Michigan district, and the House Energy and Commerce Committee chairman reported holdings of more than $7 million in the company. The family trusts make up the largest part of Upton’s reported $14.3 million in assets, which also includes substantial holdings in Pepsi, Yum Brands and Exxon Mobil.

As for liabilities, Upton and his wife jointly hold a JPMorgan Chase mortgage and home equity line of credit. Upton also has a promissory note from the Stephen E. Upton Revocable Living Trust, with a $250,001 minimum value.

This means Marchant, whose minimum net worth in 2014 was $13.91 million, skyrocketed up 17 slots in Roll Call’s Wealth of Congress rankings after mingling toward the bottom of the top 50 list.

His latest report, which came in at more than 2,300 pages, included a minimum of $15 million in assets, about $3.26 million more than in 2013. The cause? It appeared to be a good year for his impressive stock portfolio: This past year, what has consistently been his largest listed asset — the First Dallas Hodges Fund — came in at $3.8 million, compared to $1 million in 2013 and $2.7 million in 2012.

Meanwhile, some things stayed the same. As in 2012, Marchant continued to list a minimum value of $1 million for the CPC Lion Fund II asset. A wealthy real estate developer, he continued to put a $1 million minimum price tag on Bonita Land and Cattle Ltd., described as “3,500 acres, cattle, equipment.”

He also in a year’s time managed to lower his debt by a total of $2.5 million by paying off some of a home equity line of credit and a large portion of a separate line of credit with North Dallas Bank.

The Wisconsin Republican shows a minimum net worth of $13.52 million in 2014 — $478,000 more than the previous year — with no listed liabilities. The relatively modest increase is thanks, in part, to the acquisition of a new stock holding of $120,995 in Halyard Health, a business that launched in late 2014 as a spinoff of Kimberly-Clark, the paper and consumer goods giant, of which Sensenbrenner is heir.

As in previous years, Sensenbrenner reports ownership of 16 individual trusts in the names of various family members, most notably his two sons, Robert and Frank.

He also reports four company stocks held in trusts: In addition to family business Kimberly-Clark and Halyard Health, he lists $18,322 in Neenah Paper, a premium paper company, and $36,124 in Schweitzer-Mauduit, which purports to be the “largest producer of cigarette papers in the world.” Eight of the 16 trusts he holds in the names of family members are stocks held in trust for these companies for each of his sons.

First elected in 1979, the second longest-serving House Republican has always exhibited a commitment to transparency and accountability in his approach to the government mandated financial disclosure process. He is among a very small pool of lawmakers who provide to the public more about their personal finances than congressional rules dictate, each year submitting hundreds of pages of down-to-the-penny details relating to his diversified securities portfolio.

If Sensenbrenner had filled out the standard House disclosure form that asks members to list a range of value for each asset rather than a specific amount, his minimum net worth would appear a little more than half the actual amount, and he might not appear on the 50 richest roster, this year or in years prior.

The vast majority of the Texas Democrat's wealth is derived from stocks and mutual funds, a number

of which he sold this year. The hundreds of thousands in stocks sold include IBM, Proctor and Gamble, bonds and mutual funds. Doggett's largest individual stock holding value is at least $1 million in Austin-based supermarket giant Whole Foods.

Doggett also owns three rental properties in and around Austin, including a Travis County rental property worth at least $1 million. That property remains his lone liability, with a letter of credit worth between $250,000 and $500,000.

In addition to his House salary, Doggett also lists $69,995 in annuity income from the Employees Retirement System of Texas, earned during his tenure in the Texas Senate and on the Texas Supreme Court.

The New York Democrat has a top spot on the powerful House Appropriations Committee and became the first woman to lead either party’s roster on the committee when she became ranking member in the 113th Congress. On the panel for more than 20 years, she has in that time joined the list of the richest members of Congress.

This year Lowey moved up four spots in the ranks of wealthiest lawmakers with a minimum net worth of more than $12 million. The increase is attributed mostly to her husband, Stephen, listing an additional $1 million in a mutual fund investment. Mr. Lowey’s funds shifted compared to the 2013 disclosure, indicating he retired from the law firm he helped found in 1968.

The bulk of the couple’s wealth is thanks to several investment accounts worth at least $1 million, and Lowey once again did not list any liabilities. As in previous years, Lowey lists two sizable real estate holdings, including a joint investment in a Capitol Hill apartment worth at least $250,000. Lowey’s husband also lists an apartment in New York City that is worth at least $1 million.

For the second year in a row, the value of Lowey’s New York State and Local Retirement System pension as “undetermined.” The pension stems from her work with the New York Secretary of State.

The car dealer's net worth is at least $11.39 million, compared with a minimum of $11.29 million the previous year. Broken down, his assets are $12.8 million, up only slightly from $12.79 million the previous year, and his $1.5 million of liabilities was identical.

Rigell and his wife, Terri, have a substantial portion of their wealth concentrated in revocable trusts.

He has several commercial and other real estate properties, including car dealerships. Many of his LLCs are in the restaurant business, and Rigell holds multiple "president" or "partner" positions at dozens of LLCs and companies — though he states they are all "uncompensated."

As for liabilities, Rigell listed a home equity line of credit of at least $1 million on his home in Virginia Beach and a mortgage of at least $500,000 on his personal residence in Washington, D.C.

Rigell’s first business out of college was a cleaning service, which initially consisted of him and his wife. By 1990, he had earned a master's degree in business. He opened an auto dealership in the Virginia Beach area. Around that time, he began contributing to and volunteering for Republican candidates, while also active in numerous business and charitable organizations.

Not coincidentally, $1.25 million in mortgages for properties in Peoria and Glendale, Ariz., popped up this year as liabilities. Both were incurred years ago, but this is the first time the Republican has acknowledged debt since 2012, when he reported owing a minimum of $30,000 in “revolving charges accounts” to Capitol One Bank and Barclays Bank Delaware.

It turns out that might have been a mistake. A July 1, 2015, memo from Franks to the House Ethics Committee — later made public as part of the Congressman’s annual financial disclosure filing — stated that in the process of preparing his 2014 paperwork he was advised to include the two mortgages on homes he “own[s] personally.”

“Since both the homes indicated are valued in excess of the mortgages indicated and I received on rental income from either of the homes, neither seems to be reportable on this disclosure,” Franks wrote. He also asked the committee to provide guidance on what amendments might be necessary to previous years’ financial disclosures.

Otherwise, Franks’ finances for 2014 are consistent and unsurprising.

He continues to benefit from his affiliation with Liberty Petroleum Corp., the Phoenix-based oil business he founded in 1997 with his brother. Last year, Franks reported earning at least $11 million through investments and trusts with Providence Petroleum Corp and Trinity Petroleum Corp., which the Franks brothers also own.

Franks also lists at least $100,000 for the LP 1000 Life Pager, a decoy pager that contains pepper spray for self-defense.

Fleming operates several businesses in northwest Louisiana, including more than 30 Subway franchises and an active real estate rental operation. He and his wife, Cindy, jointly run a sub-franchising business for the UPS Store worth at least $1 million.

Fleming Franchise Development, LLC, remains his largest asset, worth at least $5 million. It generates income from his various Subway and UPS operations, plus rent from JCF Properties. One of his assets includes at least $1 in royalties from book sales at Prevention Publications, of which he serves as a member of the organization.

Among his liabilities, two mortgages for the physician's homes in Minden, La., and Washington, D.C., are worth at least $1 million and $500,000 respectively. He also has a $50,000 business loan from 1997 and keeps a revolving charge on his American Express bill of a minimum of $15,000.

In addition to Fleming’s net worth, he continued to report earned income from his spouse’s salary as director of the Minden Family Care Center, of which Fleming serves as president and director.

A blind trust Isakson established in 2012 is listed at $5 million to $25 million and holds the bulk of the second-term senator's wealth. Since 2013, when the trust more than doubled in value, Isakson has opted not to detail its assets. He collected at least $100,000 in income from the trust, consistent with his cut of the riches in 2012 and 2013.

The value of the former realty executive’s land assets, ranging from mineral rights holdings in Atlanta to condos at the University of Georgia in Athens, remained static. Isakson raked in rent, royalties and capital gains on the properties.

Isakson and his wife, Dianne, own a stately four-bedroom home in Marietta, Ga., and 12 acres near a river in rainy Rabun County. The couple also invests in a timeshare in Hilton Head, S.C., and a Capitol Hill condo in Washington, D.C. The home equity line of credit he incurred in 1993 at a rate of 5.25 percent is valued at at least $10,000.

In addition to his congressional salary, Isakson received more than $8,000 from the Georgia Legislative Retirement System, from his time as a state lawmaker. The Isaksons also collected more than $31,000 in social security payments.

The Kentucky Republican’s reportable assets nearly tripled in 2008 thanks to a $5 million gift that he and his wife, former Labor Secretary Elaine L. Chao, received from her father, James, soon after the death of her mother. (After emigrating in the 1960s, the senator’s father-in-law founded a successful international trading business, now called the Foremost Group, specializing in importing Chinese-made goods to the United States.)

The money has been invested ever since in a tax-exempt money market fund. But in 2014, the fund dipped one slot below the $5 million minimum category. Now listed at a minimum of $1 million, because of the wide range in reporting categories it appears on paper as a $4 million loss, although the actual loss could have been as little as $1 and, like many other lawmakers on this list, his true net worth could be much higher.

McConnell has been the top Republican in the Senate since 2007, after the party was relegated to the minority. He became majority leader in the 114th Congress, after Republicans picked up nine Senate seats in the 2014 midterms and regained control of the chamber — and after he beat back a well-financed Democratic challenger, who attacked McConnell for the wealth he's gained while serving in the Senate, with a resounding re-election victory.

Now in his first full term in the House after winning a June 2014 special election, the Republican's assets are tied up in a number of mutual funds, as well as rental properties in Florida and Michigan. He also has a stake of at least $250,000 in the A.S. Roma soccer club.

But Clawson sold off many of his stock holdings in 2014, helping lead to his decline in net worth. Additionally, Clawson let go of two rental properties, one in Chicago and one in Bonaire, an island off the coast of Venezuela that's a municipality of the Netherlands. Those transactions led to a $3 million hit in his minimum assets.

Adding to the decline was the addition of a $1 million liability, a margin account he took out in 2013 that permits investors to borrow money to purchase securities.

Most of Maloney’s wealth is in real estate, with beach rental homes and properties in Virginia and North Carolina and a rental home in Jamaica. She also owns a rental home in New York City and a townhouse near the Capitol that she leases to fellow House members. She claimed at least $150,000 in rental income between those two properties.

Maloney picked up more real estate investments worth at least $100,000 since her last report with the settling of her father’s estate at the end of 2013.

While she reported a modest balance of at least $1,000 in her Congressional Credit Union account, she had at least $1 million in her checking account.

The Pennsylvania Republican made his fortune in car dealerships, but much of his net worth is in his wife Victoria’s extensive stock portfolio. The Kellys made a number of large transactions of some of their holdings in state and municipal bonds, selling 10 with a value of least $100,000 and purchasing seven with a value of at least $100,000. Mike Kelly also purchased an annuity valued at at least $250,000.

Victoria Kelly’s holdings include investments in bonds from 15 states valued at more than $2 million.

The Kellys also reported stocks in Pennsylvania gas and oil companies, valued at at least $42,009 from which they reported at least $19,117 in income.

Natural gas development has become a controversial issue in Pennsylvania. The Marcellus Shale runs underneath Kelly’s Pennsylvania district and a natural gas boom from shale drilling has sparked a debate over the economic and environmental implications of fracking. Gov. Tom Wolf is pushing for a new severance tax on fracking to help fund the state’s education system.

A Ph.D. physicist before he came to Congress, Foster is a self-made man — with the help of his brother, Fred. The two started Electronic Theatre Controls in their basement with a $500 loan from their parents when Foster was a 19-year-old college sophomore. Their theater lighting business now provides lighting for 70 percent of the country’s theater and entertainment venues.

Foster sold his interest in the business in 2007 to avoid any conflict of interest.

Foster's net worth is listed as at least $8.32 million up from $7.42 million the year before. He reported income of at least $161,122 from his stock portfolio.

The Illinois Democrat was first elected in a March 2008 special to replace former Speaker J. Dennis Hastert. He was elected to a full term that November, defeated in 2010, then won a Democratic-leaning seat in 2012, after redistricting.

The Wydens' reported worth has fluctuated in the annual rankings (the senator was ranked No. 22 in 2012, with a minimum net worth of $14 million) largely because of variations from year to year on the amount of detail they include in their listings of assets. This year, they're up about $1.5 million over last year.

Much of the couple's wealth is based in Bass-Wyden's co-ownership of Manhattan's iconic Strand Bookstore ("18 Miles Of Books" is their slogan). The store, founded by her grandfather, is listed as worth a minimum of $1 million and generated, according to Wyden's financial disclosure, more than $1 million in income for his spouse last year.

Bass-Wyden also reports ownership stakes worth more than $1 million each in Strand II, Bass Book Trading Inc. and Bass Real Estate LLC. Those three properties generated additional income of at least $1.1 million, according to disclosures. She also collects three salaries, each reported as more than $1,000 annually, from the Strand, Bass Book Trading Inc. and the real estate firm.

The congressman has $100,000 to $250,000 in a money market account in the U.S. Senate Federal Credit Union, and he reports a $250,000 to $500,000 mortgage with Wells Fargo in Washington, D.C.

But he also has significant personal wealth to tap, should he choose to do so. His financial disclosures show no liabilities, and while his minimum net worth dipped by about half a million dollars, he remains in the top 50 in Congress.

Much of his money is held in a mix of bonds and mutual funds, but there's also no shortage of real estate holdings.

Portman's largest investment remains his interest in Lebanon House, Inc., the old family business that owns the Golden Lamb Inn, which opened in 1803 and is the oldest continuously operating business in Ohio. A dozen presidents have stayed at the Lebanon hotel, and many other statewide and national candidates have held rallies there in hopes of wooing the bellwether precincts of southwestern Ohio. (Mitt Romney visited three weeks before the last presidential election.)

The hotel was purchased by Portman’s maternal grandfather in 1926, and the senator now owns it with his siblings.

Although he technically ceded control of Carter Pharmacy, Inc., to his wife, Amy, following his election — putting her at least $1 million in the black on his inaugural financial disclosure filing — the Georgia Republican continues to keep close tabs on the family business. “I still go in on the weekends and check on things but that’s about it,” he once told CQ Roll Call.

His most prominent stock holdings include the $1 million-plus he’s entrusted to investment firm Guardian Point Capital, the millions of dollars he’s split between his largest 401k accounts (Invesco and a Morgan Stanley-run retirement vehicle) and the $500,000-plus devoted to propping up the Georgia-based family of financial institutions fostered by Ameris Bancorp.

Carter also does his part to keep the Federal Deposit Insurance Corporation on its toes, stashing upwards of $1.4 million in cash at entities ranging from the aforementioned Ameris Bank branches (at least $750,000 in two accounts) to San Francisco-based Wells Fargo ($250,000-plus) to the Bank of the Ozarks ($100,000-plus) out of Little Rock, Ark.

The one-time mayor of Pooler, Ga., also served in both the state House and Senate before entering Congress. He does not maintain a separate residence in the District, opting to sleep in his office and clean up in the members’ gym.

Blum is the owner and chief executive officer of Digital Canal, a company with a reported value of $500,000 to $1 million that services home-building and structural engineering markets. Blum reports an income of $15,000 to $50,000 on his holding of Digital Canal.

He didn't report any 2014 income on his farm, listed as Oakland Farms in Dubuque and valued at $500,000 to $1 million, but he reported at least $2,500 in farm income the previous year.

Blum also holds a 42 percent ownership stake in a Dubuque real estate development firm, Salto de Fede, which is reported as valued at $100,000 to $250,000.

The congressman and his wife report no liabilities, but the single largest "asset" listed in Blum's financial disclosure is also one of the most unusual in all of Congress.

The Dubuque businessman lists as an asset a 2011 loan he made to professional hockey player Jack Johnson. Blum values the loan as an asset worth $1 million to $5 million (though the congressman has, according to news reports, had difficulty collecting the debt — at one point the player's paychecks were being garnished, according to USA Today).

Blum also reports as an asset $500,000 to $1 million stashed away in "Blum for Congress" — an indication the first-termer is anticipating a tough re-election campaign in 2016. He's a Republican in a district rated Tossup/Tilts Democrat by the Rothenberg & Gonzales Political Report/Roll Call, and he's one of 25 Republicans who voted against John A. Boehner as speaker in January.

Rooney’s wealth is all in the family. Much of his $7.76 million minimum net worth is held in his family’s various trusts.

Rooney’s grandfather, Art Rooney, founded the Pittsburgh Steelers in 1933, and with each profitable season the team has, Rooney Enterprises Inc. grows. The Florida Republican's stake in it is valued at a minimum of $1.4 million.

Sports run through Rooney’s blood, and his bank accounts. His father operated horse- and dog-racing tracks, and one of the family’s trusts now owns New York’s Yonkers Racing Corporation.

Despite his wealth, Rooney still has at least a $100,000 mortgage on a Fairfax, Va., property that he incurred in 2010. And the Palm Beach, Fla., General Braddock Brewing Company, in which Rooney had a 14 percent interest, closed in May 2014.

Rooney and his wife sold thoroughbred racehorse, Lucy Boo, for between $1,001 and $15,000 in December.

Pearce’s largest asset continues to be his and his wife's 100 percent stake in Trinity Industries Inc., an equipment rental company listed in Lea, N.M., and valued at $5 million to $25 million. The couple report an income of $100,000 to $1 million in capital gains, dividends, interest and equipment rentals from Trinity.

The couple's 100 percent share in another equipment rental firm, LFT LLC, valued at $1 million to $5 million, generated another $100,000 to $1 million in income from capital gains, interest, equipment rentals and rent; another jointly-owned firm, Exedra Inc., is worth a minimum of $100,000. On his own, Pearce owns another equipment rental firm, Gree Ltd., valued at a minimum of $50,000.

He reports investment land holdings worth $100,000 to $250,000 and a Lea County State Bank money market account that he holds with his spouse valued at $250,000 to $500,000.

Cynthia Pearce, the congressman's wife, also owns a $1 million to $5 million share of Lea County Bancshares, the parent firm of their hometown Lea County State Bank in Hobbs, N.M., where she serves on the board of directors of both entities. She also reports at least $50,000 worth of vehicles, and the couple has at least $15,000 in a Congressional Federal Credit Union account.

They reported zero liabilities.

While it's possible Price took a beating in the market, another explanation for his apparent losses may be the financial disclosure rules. Previously, Price listed four IRA accounts owned by his wife, Elizabeth, an anesthesiologist. This year, Price only lists one asset in the broad spousal category of at least $1 million, though there are three IRAs listed under that same asset.

As for Price, he still lists a number of IRAs, two of which are worth at least $1 million each. And the Georgia Republican lists a vacant lot in the Peach State as an asset worth at minimum $1 million. Price lists no liabilities.

A Michigan native, Price received his medical degree from the University of Michigan in 1979 and did his residency at Emory University before practicing as an orthopedic surgeon.